There were still numerous undecided voters despite his steady decline in the polls over the last year and he reconnected with a lot of them in a skillfully-fought campaign.
But it was his opponents who decided the contest through their complacency and the elementary mistakes of a second-round candidate who was simply no match for Băsescu. He proved to be the least of the evils on offer and the drama of the second round produced a surprisingly high turnout contrary to the predictions of analysts who assumed that voters had grown steadily more depoliticized.
UNIVERSITATEA DE STAT DIN MOLDOVA FACULTATEA DE JURNALISM ȘI ȘTIINȚE ALE COMUNICĂRII RUSU LILIANA
He then went on to obtain his second mandate from voters who were encouraged to make their selection on aesthetic grounds far more than programmatic or ideological ones. Keywords parliamentary elections, Romania, Traian Basescu Sfera Politicii I n the parliamentary elections of November only One year later, the likelihood that the presidential elections would evoke greater interest appeared slim.
The challengers lacked broad support and they confronted an incumbent President who had disillusioned many former supporters and galvanized a formidable set of enemies. He wished to make the members of a party-based democracy, which had seen little turnover in personnel, more accountable to the justice system and public opinion.
He had used his presidential powers to ensure that on 22 November, voters would be able to decide opțiunea Delta opțiuni binare carpin referendum whether to replace the bi-cameral parliament with a unicameral one and also reduce the size of any new parliament. Băsescu claimed that his role as an activist president was designed to make the political system more efficient and accountable to citizens.
But a growing number of opponents argued that his reformist rhetoric was insincere and that he was intent on neutralising key opponents in order to maximise his own personal power, or at least that of the Party of Democratic Liberals Partidul Democrat-Liberal, PD-L. It was rare for a president to win re-election in post-communist Europe, especially in the midst of an economic crisis.
Opțiuni binare carpin was no apparent shortage of campaigning funds: the PSD, although nominally a left-wing party, was dominated by wealthy businessmen.
Wealth had grown to be unusually câștigați prin Internet 1000 până la 7000 in Romania especially when considering it had been one of the most egalitarian societies on the planet until As the country then slid into recession, they managed, with more success than medium-sized businessmen, to conserve their fortunes.
But the Antena media trust, controlled by Dan Voiculescu, a long-term foe of the president, openly campaigned against him. Realitatea, the main 24 hours news channel, was owned by the controversial financier Sorin Ovidiu Vintu; it had only fully turned against Băsescu by the end ofbut the negative treatment of the president and his campaign would be uninhibited, especially in the second round of elections. The state television, TVR1, failed to make up for the hostility of much of the private electronic media and was widely seen as copying the approach of Antena in its political coverage.
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His foes, though technically in opposition, sometimes acted as if they were de facto rulers, controlling much of the media and large swathes of the economy. Only the voting machinery was beyond their control which could have been different if the PSD had not been expelled by opțiuni binare carpin PD-L from their governmental coalition in September The crisis blew up when Dan Nica, the interior minister, threatened to take stern action against any example of PD-L voting opțiuni financiare. It was a premature shot in the electoral war opțiuni binare carpin enabled the PD-L to escape from a government with its most dangerous foe.
Băsescu and many in the PD-L recognised that this decision experiență de tranzacționare pe știri probably been mistake within six months of the coalition government having been formed in December The PD-L was the better-generalled of the electoral formations.
It obviously benefitted from being the sole party in government in the opțiuni binare carpin immediately preceding the elections.
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But its crucial advantage was the ability to benefit from the complacency and elementary mistakes of its rivals, above all the PSD opțiuni binare carpin the second round of campaigning. Beforehand, there had been no shortage of commentators who expected Băsescu would prove his own worst enemy on the campaign trail.
De La Latina La Romana, Marius Sala, 2012
But he hardly put a foot wrong and performed like a candidate hungry for victory rather than an incumbent weighed down by years of strife with former allies and longer-term opponents. This city obtained plenty of coverage because it was the political base of Klaus Johannis, a popular mayor who had acquired useful international contacts in when Sibiu had been the European City of Culture.
Since then, he had been characterised in the press as a rare municipal reformer in a country where local politics tended to be dominated by greedy barons and their army of clients. Johannis had not been tested in central politics, but his image was so favourable that the PNL and PSD decided in the autumn of to nominate him as their Prime Minister if they succeeded in defeating Băsescu.
The president appeared a diminished figure as the campaign against him escalated in the autumn of He was characterised as a would-be dictator who had isolated Romania on the international scene, and had been a destructive presence at home.
Sfera Politicii 15 him with Stalin. Much propaganda was directed at young and educated people, saying that he was uncouth and vulgar and therefore disqualified from being Head of State.
There is little doubt that the media brought a lot of voters to the PSD and PNL, especially young vaguely reformist ones, who desired consensus and a focus on long-term challenges from whoever was President.
It recognised the role that personality played in a country whose politics lacked a strong programmatic basis. But without a rival personality of equivalent presence, it created the danger of back-firing.
Innewspapers like Cotidianul and Ziua had been key backers of Băsescu during his first presidential candidacy. The ownership of the first had changed subsequently, as had the political orientation of the second. A similar realignment had occurred within civil society, or more accurately those high-profile bodies often shaped around a well-known personality whose mission statement emphasised reform of various elements of democratic life.
In the past, they had fought off attempts by the PSD to create a state-dependent civil society lacking any real independence.
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In civic bodies previously suspicious of the PSD performed useful services for it during the campaign, even after it became apparent that an unreformed PSD was likely to inherit power from Băsescu. Hurezeanu is now among the th wealthiest individuals in Romania.
In the first round of voting, Băsescu was narrowly ahead of Geoana, having obtained Informal soundings indicate that he lost ground among the young, especially those with a good education who used the social media.
Friends who worked in law offices and hospitals mentioned that only a minority of young people there saw any merit in Băsescu. Băsescu also appears to have lost a segment of the middle-class who, at a time of mounting economic insecurity feared that a conflictual figure running the country could damage them materially. For a good part of the campaign, Johannis was vague about his economic program and he did not refer to any of the essential reforms requested by the IMF in order to unfreeze the third tranche of the loan.
He beat Geoana into third place in Buchurest and the great bulk of his supporters went on to support the PSD candidate in the deciding round.
Visualizzazioni Transcript 1 Editorial foto arhivă VL libera.
Facing a desperate struggle, Băsescu could perhaps obtain some consolation from the fact that his support was very evenly distributed among all age categories. Sfera Politicii 17 The international dimension would ultimately produce a remarkable upset, snatching victory from the jaws of defeat for Băsescu.
- Mai ales că acest orizont, această apartenenţă la uriaşul peisaj al civilizaţiilor omeneşti ne-a fost interzis până acum, ori nu ne-a fost adus explicit la cunoştinţă.
- Dinrevista apare cu suportul financiar al Guvernului oraşului Bâle Elveţia.
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Geoana had sought to exploit well-placed contacts that he had made as ambassador to the United States and then as Foreign Minister among lobbyists, left-leaning think-tanks, and US Democratic Party figures. It was widely assumed that in places where there had been a tradition of fierce rivalry with the PSD, Liberal mayors would not campaign vigorously for Geoana.
Nevertheless, all the signs were that the PNL possessed the key to victory. Antonescu had fought a vigorous campaign; and the pro-Liberal Johannis looked set to propel large numbers of younger voters into the PSD camp.
In the second round, far more of the spotlight was on Geoana, who did not bother to try and supplant the image that he had been brought up in one of the elite families of Bucharest to expect that one day there was a good chance that he would step into the job opțiuni binare carpin President of Romania. But he proved to be a wooden and aloof figure, unable to combine his professional strengths with a wide popular appeal.
He was open about his role as the candidate of the interlocking political and economic interests groups that were disputing power with Băsescu. But by 4 December, they were exactly level. This opțiuni binare carpin done in the middle of the second round campaign. Băsescu later admitted that if only his adversaries had waited and released the image in opțiuni binare carpin final days of the campaign, it could have proven fatal for him as there would simply have been no time to muster proof against the allegations.
The second miscalculation was the visit of Geoana, Antonescu and Johannis to Timisoara on 1 December, disguising an electoral appearance as a gesture of national reconciliation.
They wanted to exploit the symbolic value of Timisoara in order to convey the idea of a great national anti-Băsescu concord.
They were booed by a large crowd who were later emulated by protesters in Bucharest, Brasov, Timisoara and Cluj in solidarity rallies of varying sizes. The Alianta Anti claimed that the manifestations had been organized by the PD-L, as did much of the media. Doina Cornea, the former communist-era dissident, even claimed that the public opțiuni binare carpin reminded her of the mineriade of the early s.
During the television debate in front of front of millions of viewers, Băsescu asked him if he had visited the controversial businessman whom he had earlier criticised for his unethical stance. Geoana had no alternative but to concede that he had.
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